Friday, 19 October 2012
It's time for a debate over statutory housing rights for single people
Streets in the Sky: For the Art & Music Saatchi Magazine
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Photographs ©Pennie Quinton, (1) David Hepher's studio 2011: work in progress Alyesbury Estate. (ii) London View from David's studio |
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Photographs ©Pennie Quinton:
(i) Detail: Novel 'Benefits' by Zoe Fairbairns on book shelf. (ii) Portrait Author: Zoe Fairbairns 2011 |
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Image: ©Pennie Quinton: detail painting Aylesbury Estate by David Hepher |
Tuesday, 3 January 2012
Special Report | Why world peace needs women
©Pennie Quinton 2011
“ If your dreams don’t scare you they are not big enough” said Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as she opened her speech at a special event organised by the Norwegian refugee council, (NRC) on Sunday the 12th of December. The event was an the opportunity for Norwegian business elites to meet with the Liberian Nobel peace prize laureate.
From 1976 onwards women’s work for peace has been acknowledged by the Nobel peace committee a little more regularly then in past years, with eleven women recognised; but now women in developing countries coming out of conflict are calling for greater recognition of the important role of women in bringing peace and stability to their communities and countries.
President Sirleaf and Leymah Gbowee were jointly awarded the 2011 Nobel Peace Prize along with Yemeni human rights activist and journalist Tawakel Karman, founder of Women Journalists Without Chains campaign: “For their non-violent struggle for the safety of women and for women’s rights to full participation in peace-building work.”
Recently re-elected President of Liberia, Sirleaf became Africa’s first female head of state in 2006. A Harvard-trained banker and administrator, she had held positions in Citibank, the World Bank, and the United Nations.
Leymah Gbowee organised a broad women’s peace movement that made a significant contribution to bringing an end to the country’s 14-year civil war in 2003. She trained as a trauma counsellor, and is now executive director of the Women in Peace and Security Network, a pan-African organisation working to promote women’s role in peace building and conflict prevention.
In Oslo this December at a number of supporting events surrounding the Nobel peace prize, prominent women leaders and activists from: Afghanistan, Somalia, Liberia and Kenya were invited to speak on the necessity of recognition and international support for the role of women’s leadership in peace negotiations, promoting reconciliation between tribal leaders and war lords in ethnic conflict.
So just how much has women’s role in peace making been recognised by the Nobel Committee? Of the 101 individuals awarded the Peace Prize since 1901, just 15 awards went to women while just eight women were awarded the prize individually, compared to 41 men individually recognized.
Pacifist author Bertha von Suttner was the first female Laureate in 1905. Her long correspondence with Alfred Nobel is thought to have been a major influence on his decision to include in the Nobel prizes an award for peace.
It would be sixteen years before another woman, American suffragist Jane Addams, won in 1931. Another fifteen years later, in 1946, a prize was awarded to Emily Greene Balch, American academic, writer, and pacifist, for her work with the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom; she shared it with Young Men’s Christian Association founder John Mott.
A further 46 years passed before two grass roots community activists in Northern Ireland, Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan (née Maguire) were recognised in 1976 for their work in the Northern Ireland peace movement.
In 2006 Williams and Corrigan founded the Nobel Women’s Initiative along with sister Laureates Shirin Ebadi, Wangari Maathai, Jody Williams and Rigoberta Menchu Tum. The six women decided to bring together their experiences in a united effort to help strengthen work being done in support of women’s rights around the world.
That call was expressed at an accompanying event to the Nobel Ceremony, entitled “Women’s political leadership in peace and conflict” organised by Care Norway and the Norwegian Refugee Council on Thursday December 9 three major female political figures to spoke on this issue.
Martha Karua: former minister of Justice for Kenya who led peace negotiations through post- electoral violence.
Politician and member of the transitional Federal government of Somalia’s legislative branch Asha Ahmad Abdalla is critical of her own governments’ lack of democracy and openness. “ Somalia is the most neglected humanitarian crisis in the world, a community of mother’s grieving over their children”
Wazhma Frogh, an activist in the Afghan women’s network who joined the panel the discussion direct from the Bonn peace conference on Afghanistan and told of the problems she had faced as a woman taking part in the Afghanistan peace process.
Wazhma Frogh speaking in Oslo at special event organised by the Norwegian refugee council & Care NO.
©Pennie Quinton 2011
“At the Grand Assembly or the Peace Jurga,” she reported, there were 2300 people from the whole country – but only 300 women. I was assigned to committee 13 – and I was the only woman among tribal leaders and MPs. They said: ‘we want to give her a good lesson now!’ Not only was I the only woman, but also I was a young woman. Now being a woman is a problem but being a young woman is even more of a problem.”
“On the first day I walked into the room,” Frogh recalled, “and no one said ‘hi’ to me. So for the first day I listened. On the second day I said ‘hi’ and again no one responded. As the day progressed it seemed that the process was stuck on negotiating a treaty.”
Then Frogh realized that: “the tribal leaders did not understand the difference between a treaty and an agreement. So I said: ‘can I help you?’ I stood up and explained the difference between a treaty and an agreement. On the third day they selected me as head of the programme.”
The tribal leaders saw only that they needed to be stronger, to have more guns, more soldiers and more equipment. Frogh asked them: “What do you want at the end of 2014? Two thousand men able to shoot, or efficient protection where goods and people are able to move around safely?” Committee 13 then said, “We shall lobby for you to become our representative at the Security Council.”
Wazhma Frogh says that peace in Afghanistan is only possible through campaigning at the grassroots: “people have to own it.” But NATO’s policy is not to interfere in matters considered “cultural”. Its failure to acknowledge the rights of women is detrimental to building a stable society in Afghanistan. She said to NATO representatives: “Let’s do it right – you don’t want another 9/11 and we don’t want you to come back. We have to take reconciliation back to people’s homes.”
NATO arms local militias, and then NATO sees a reduction in suicide attacks as a success indicator: “they don’t count how many women are able to travel safely to school or work,” Frogh says: “The biggest instruction NATO soldiers get is – don’t speak to Afghan women, because the Afghan men will kill you. If they see a woman getting killed or attacked by Afghan men they don’t get involved because that violence is ‘local, cultural’.”
“This is wrong,” Frogh concludes: “we need to lobby for the empowerment of women in the peace process. It should be women that lead the peace process. NATO Security Council really has to reform itself into a people’s organisation necessary for peace.”
Martha Karua told the conference how she had been through activism into government – and back. “The Nobel Peace Prize is,” she said, “an encouragement to women to achieve for the common good of all”.
Karua spoke of the ‘inter-connectedness’ that exists in the world: “we are working to achieve peace. We must stand out and talk about peace. There are millions in poverty and most conflicts are about a scramble for resources. There can’t be peace without women – we are giving true meaning to democracy by focusing on peace.”
The Nobel Peace Prize is, Karua said, relevant because it “encourages many people, known and unknown, to bring peace and equality to the world. Our former Kenyan prize-winner, Wangari Muta Maathai, had no recognition at home, even after receiving this prize. She finally received recognition after her death, in part due to this prize – it draws attention.” She continued: “Affirmative action for women is a favour to society, as in conflict women suffer disproportionately; women suffer more violence to their bodily integrity and to their person.”
Martha Karua said she got her place at the negotiating table in Kenya simply because she was Minister of Justice. “But I was one woman, so the other side brought in one woman, and we were able to mediate…”
“The role of women is a perspective that needs to be on the decision-making table,” Karua insists: “The struggle of claiming our space as equal women is on going, but there is an attitude of scepticism towards women: you have to prove yourself over and over. We need a lot of encouragement towards women’s empowerment, being seen as a rebel, as a non-conformist mitigates against women so you may suffer ostracisation for going against the grain. I was marginalised, but I am lucky because I chair a political party. I personally believe in the art of the possible, if you work hard enough you’ll draw positive energy towards what you are trying to achieve.”
Hon Martha Karua speaking in Oslo ©Pennie Quinton 2011
Asha Ahmad Abdalla says, “We need to rebuild from the ground up re-uniting the people.”
She explained how women are so important in conserving the generations. “So many Somali women overseas in the Diasporas are sending money home, saving their families who are on the brink.” Empowerment of women is, she says, at the core of human rights issues: “women must be in leadership roles especially in peace negotiations.”
She went on to describe how in Djibouti women reformed the Transitional Federal Government: “100 women came up with a formula for women to be separate from the clans by negotiating between the warlords and the clans.”
Women make up the majority of Somalia’s population at 65%: “All the men died in the war. Women have been going to school and are working in education and the NGOs.” Though the constitution guarantees women 12 per cent of the places in parliament, “the warlords did not allow all 12% to participate in parliament, we only had 43 from 500, that’s around 8 per cent. Now,” Asha Abdualla said to applause, “we are looking for a female president.”
Running for president had been “the most difficult time of my life.” It’s OK in Somalia, she said, “to be in parliament, but to be a leader and a woman… I could find nothing in our religion to say women could not be leaders. I encourage our women to read religion.”
Hon Asha Abdualla of Somalia TFG speaking in Oslo December 2011 ©Pennie Quinton 2011
Martha Kurua noted that “even in Africa, where there is a strong tradition of women’s involvement in the community, women’s leadership is the exception, not the norm. We still need to bring a critical mass of women to the negotiating table.”
After the conference session Wahzma Frogh told me: “Women’s movements opens the way for the inclusion of other men as well. It’s not a competition, and it is not a battle. We are fighting against exclusion and discrimination. Our communities fear women but we are fighting to get our share.”
Frogh has “seen our culture changing – but culture is being used to keep women in the back seat. In conflict the law is defined by the rule of the gun and has to do with perceptions that war is necessary to get power, to be able to rule, it is a battle for power.
Men do not want to share power or privilege, they see power as being rightfully theirs but we want our share.”
In Afghanistan at the provincial council level it was all men but, Frogh reports, “25 women have taken their places – and women bring a difference, so get the support of their communities. Their decisions at village level are beneficial for the community for improved life so women do bring an active contribution.”
NATO never recognised, Frogh says, “how women are struggling in homes and villages – and are not automatically supportive of women. NATO should be supportive of women but are in fact the biggest supporters of violence on women. They do not see how women can get peace processes going NATO must change the way it looks at peace.”
At the press conference following the closed business event President Sirleaf was asked what impact the Nobel peace prize will have for women in Liberia. She described how the prize will enable the creation of a broad platform for the women’s agenda in Liberia to stop rape and help reform, transforming the prize into something that contributes to girls futures carrying along a whole generation of young people.
Nobel prize winner Leymah Gbowee speaking to business leaders at NRC HQ Dec 2011 ©Pennie Quinton 2011
Leymah Gbowee recalled how she came to realise that the Liberian child soldiers were also victims of conflict: “They were recruited at 8, 9 or 10 years old, given drugs and guns. A lot of them were arrested at their place of recruitment; working with them I could see they were victims like myself. The perpetrators are the ones who give the guns and I realised then that even if it was going to kill me, I would say something; I would say something to Charles Taylor” – the civil war leader. “I would say something to Charles Taylor about the horrible future he has created for Liberia”
Leymah Gbowee gave an ironic smile as she concluded: “sometimes you get more than your wish.”
http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/if-dreams-dont-scare-big-enough/
Monday, 14 November 2011
Saturday, 17 September 2011
Tectonic movements in the British media

Tectonic movements in the British media
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The phone hacking scandal that rocked News of the World to its core is still causing uneasiness in the British media. Can the media industry in Britain restore public trust, which is ebbing away in the wake of the scandal over phone-hacking by employees of the Murdoch-owned News International? The grand institutions of British media are taking a long hard look at themselves and their media ethics following the public outcry over the News of the World hacking scandal, clearly anxious over what inquiries into this will reveal. On September 6, James Murdoch was recalled to a Parliamentary Select Committee on the Media for further questioning: at the same time, across town, a list of high powered media figures gathered at a Westminster Media Forum conference titled “News Now”. “Everybody here I would hope is in favour of a free press: it’s the life blood of democracy,” Mark Lewis, lawyer for the family of murdered schoolgirl Milly Dowler, told the conference. Dowler’s voice mail had been hacked by the News of the World staff, who deleted her phone messages, giving false hope to the Dowler family that Milly was alive. “We talk about the risk of state regulation, of state control of the press,” Lewis said. “We talk about Stalinism but we have a problem if we go the other way and have corporate control of the press, that’s corporate Stalinism, and if we have too great a control by any corporation then we lose sight of democracy.” Lord Inglewood, chair of the House of Lords Select Committee on Communications, led the Media Forum discussion, which centred on the failure of checks and balances that permitted such corporate erosion of democracy in the UK by the Murdoch empire. The revelations of July 2011 showed the extent of phone-hacking and the News of the World executives’ powerful influence over the British police and politicians, including a succession of Prime Ministers. Tony Blair, it was recently revealed, was godfather to one of Rupert Murdoch’s children. Current Prime Minister David Cameron’s appointment of former News of the World editor Andy Coulson as his press officer, after Coulson had been sacked in 2007 in connection with phone hacking, also demonstrates the unhealthy influence of the Murdochs over democratic governance. “Some have called this a shift to a ‘public-relations democracy’,” said Professor Natalie Fenton, co-director at Goldsmith’s Leverhulme research centre, University of London. “Politicians are at the mercy of hungry journalists who can make or break their career. Politicians put PR before sound policy-making and journalists intimidate policy-makers with threats of media campaigns that will make them unelectable”.
At the launch of the Hacked Off campaign by the victims of phone-hacking, Fenton had “sensed the palpable fear of the MPs in the room – and a very explicit understanding of the courage it had taken to speak out against the Murdoch Empire.” That kind of media activity “isn’t about speaking truth to power,” she said, “it’s about conducting character assassinations of people who irritate certain people and secret meetings with those in ministerial office where acceptable terms of media policy may be laid down”. Mary Hockaday, head of the newsroom at the publicly-funded BBC, said that when we all look back on 2011 what will stand out about the news industry will be the sheer number of news stories and the breadth of the news agenda - from the Arab Spring to the summer riots… but after that, of course, hacking. “This has been a year when this slow-burning story finally begun unravelling at speed and sucked media police and politicians right into it,” she said. The Select Committee was asking Murdoch and other newspaper representatives whether they had misled Parliament at earlier hearings. Those led to a formal inquiry by Lord Justice Leveson into the standards of the press, looking at the relationship between the press and the police and the press and politics. Its brief is to inquire into the culture, practices, and ethics of the press, looking at the contacts and the relationships between national newspapers and politicians and police, the extent to which the current policy and regulatory framework has failed including in relation to data protection; and the extent to which there was a failure to act on previous warnings about media misconduct. There are also moves to reform the regulation of the media in Britain, to support the integrity and freedom of the press, with the plurality of the media, and its independence, including from government, while encouraging the highest ethical and professional standards. Regulation, however, worries media managers. Tom Kent is deputy managing editor and Standards Editor at Associated Press. He would prefer that media organisations remained self-policing and practised a code of ethics “integral to the culture of their particular organisations”. Professor Natalie Fenton responded that this approach has failed to protect media in the interests of the public: “Regulation of the press has always been seen as tantamount to authoritarian rule… It’s seen as deliberate interference with the inner vision and the freedom of the press and it’s been profoundly anti democratic.” “Yet we have to now face up to the fact that this approach has actually done precious little to protect the public interest in the provision of news and its contribution to democratic life,” Fenton continued: “maybe it has done quite a lot to encourage commercial news vandalism.” Public-service broadcasting is regulated by law in the UK and, Fenton said, there “we see some of the very best in investigative journalism. It’s not perfect, but it does expose the nonsense that imposing standards on a news industry inevitably leads to anti-democratic practise and diminishes journalistic integrity.” If we accept that there is a connection between news and democracy, that news provides the vital resources of information gathering, deliberation, and analysis – then surely,” Fenton concluded, “it’s not unreasonable to accept that it’s any government’s democratic responsibility to ensure the conditions are in place to promote democratic practise. An excessively liberalised press has failed to provide the freedom to practise independent journalism in the public interest.” Solicitor Mark Lewis said that the scandal did not start in 2011, “it didn’t start with Milly Dowler’s family when that was exposed”. That revelation simply broke the “wall of silence” about what the Murdoch press - and other newspaper groups - had been doing. Lewis has had “phone calls from other groups’ lawyers who said ‘if you mention us, we’re going to sue you’.” All the newspaper groups say their journalists follow the Press Complaints Commission Code of conduct and abide by the criminal law “but what they don’t say is whether they did all the time, and whether they have looked at past actions by individual reporters," Lewis said. Investigating properly is “something that’s worth while doing, it helps democracy,” Lewis concluded, “but actions which don’t do that which, break the law for no purpose at all, other than to feed a story which isn’t in the public interest, or to create a story – that’s not worth while at all.” |
Society is bigger than government
I had been out of London when the riots began, having a genteel Sunday afternoon in Stratford-on-Avon. My mobile rang as I was standing in a queue at the Royal Shakespeare company: the ringtone blared from my handset generating a severe frown from the one woman taking forever dealing with enquiries at the counter. I quickly stifled it.
“Where are you?” growled the voice down the phone of a friend – a campaigner for Kurdish rights from north London.
“Oh, I am in Leamington Spa visiting my sister and we are trying to see something at the RSC!”
“I thought you would be out in the middle of it all, photographing.” She said.
“Photographing what; in the middle of all what?” I asked, puzzled.
“Oh the police have shot another man dead, and the demonstration against his death turned into a riot, but the organisers of the protest have condemned the riot, people have been made homeless because their apartment block has been burned down. It is chaos!”
“Riots in London why?” I asked, inwardly cursing my bad timing for leaving the city.
More ferocious stares from the grey haired woman manning the counter…
“Er, well I am at the theatre; I can’t really talk, will be back later on tonight.”
I had already been fourth place in the queue for over ten minutes, which grew ever longer as the attendant fumbled and fussed. I wondered if queuing, an oft-observed cliché about English life, like much else in Stratford-on-Avon, was deliberately being overdone for the American tourist market. I doubted queues were much of a feature of Elizabethan life, although rioting was probably more common in Shakespeare’s time and after my visit to the town of the great man’s birth I could see why he could not wait to get to London to join in with all that violence and debauchery, just as I could not wait to return to photograph the debauchery of the second Elizabethan age.
The last decade of Elizabeth Tudor’s reign has been recognized by historians as an exceptionally volatile period, characterized by “high prices, food shortages, heavy taxation" and major wars against Spain and Ireland.
As I walked around the RSC souvenir shop, I could see the staff discreetly nudging each other and pointing at me as if I was going to steal something: they must have heard me discuss the news of the riot with my sister and thought we were a mini looting team, day-tripping from London.
London is the city in which I grew up and I always feel a sense of relief on my return – not least after being in Stratford-on-Avon. As news came through that Hackney was kicking off, I felt I had to get out and see what was happening.
I have filmed and photographed demonstrations all over the world since completing my Masters in Fine Art at Central Saint Martins, which was where my work began to focus on mass movements, insurrection and protest. Discontent and unfairness bug me and keep me awake at night. I have to work out why these things happen; this motivating factor regularly drives me into the streets and even into conflict zones with my cameras to see, to understand. The media is mediated; I need to see for myself to know why people suddenly express rage and frustration. I’m left wondering why they don’t express rage and frustration all the time. Why riots in London now and not following the police shooting of Charles de Menezes in Stockwell in 2005?
And now London is in shock about the rioting, with many expressing outrage feeling their sense of security violated. BBC News Anchors’ first response to any understanding expressed concerning the possible causes underlying the riots is a pithy but loaded: ‘But surely you don't condone this?’ Right now, people are venting and expressing their hurt, but simply venting will not solve the problems that have instigated these riots.
In Elizabethan London a fabulously wealthy elite lived cheek-by-jowl with a thoroughly destitute majority. Even when gainfully employed, workers in handicrafts earned not much more than subsistence wages: for example, a 1589 proclamation prescribes wages for London linen weavers of 6d a day with meat and drink, or 10d a day without meat and drink. Given this polarization, it is not surprising that the 1590s were especially marked by social disorder and protest.
The public spending cuts this year meant many of the youth summer schemes in London did not run. These riots suggest boredom – and inarticulate rage. The youth are smashing and grabbing the things society tells them to want. The coalition government's austerity measures have hit this generation hard. There will be no higher education for those who cannot take on burdensome debt. The chance of ever being able to afford to buy a home in London seems remote – except for those whose wealthier parents can provide the deposit for a home loan. A generation of young people have been left behind by this coalition’s policies and the policies of previous governments. How can these young people see that they have anything invested in British society that will enable them to become fulfilled and successful adults?
Pennie Quinton is a freelance journalist based in East London. You can read more of her writings on her website penniequinton.org